CHAGRIN NOMADE (La Sahélienne) (French Edition)

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Free download. Book file PDF easily for everyone and every device. You can download and read online CHAGRIN NOMADE (La Sahélienne) (French Edition) file PDF Book only if you are registered here. And also you can download or read online all Book PDF file that related with CHAGRIN NOMADE (La Sahélienne) (French Edition) book. Happy reading CHAGRIN NOMADE (La Sahélienne) (French Edition) Bookeveryone. Download file Free Book PDF CHAGRIN NOMADE (La Sahélienne) (French Edition) at Complete PDF Library. This Book have some digital formats such us :paperbook, ebook, kindle, epub, fb2 and another formats. Here is The CompletePDF Book Library. It's free to register here to get Book file PDF CHAGRIN NOMADE (La Sahélienne) (French Edition) Pocket Guide. Maurice Potter second from left, Gabriel Bonvalot center. From Les peintres-lithographes. From Les peintreslithographes. Charles Cottet, Fellah Women Femmes fellahs , , oil on canvas, 54 x 65 cm.

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Evening Promenade, Morocco Promenade du soir , ca. Lewisohn, Whereabouts unknown. From Hachette, Paris Exposition, Moroccan Pavilion. Jules Charles-Roux, ca. Abyssinia—Arrival at Harrar of M. Biskra, with old indigenous village in the foreground and new town beyond. Collection J. Rump, Statens Museum for Kunst, Copenhagen. Henri Matisse, H. Matisse by Himself H. Private collection. Henri Matisse, On the Terrace Sur la terrasse , —13, oil on canvas, x cm. Pushkin Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow. The State Hermitage Museum, St. Abd el-Krim. Delannoy, Marcel Sembat, ca.

Distemper on canvas, x cm. Henri Matisse, Moroccan Garden Jardin marocain , , oil, pencil, and charcoal on canvas, Marshal Hubert-Gonzalve Lyautey. Gold and silver Berber jewelry from Algeria. From A. From France-Maroc, Classic Rabat carpet, mid—nineteenth century.

From Ricard, Corpus de tapis marocains, vol. Rabat carpet of modern manufacture, ca. Moroccan ceramics in vitrines. Azouaou Mammeri, The Fountain La fontaine , ca. Fez from the tombs of the Merinids. Si Azouaou Mammeri, Muslim artist and drawing teacher. Rabat Si Azouaou Mammeri, artiste musulman, professeur de dessin. Mohammed Racim, frontispiece for Mardrus, Les mille nuits et une nuit, vol. Mohammed Racim, Persian Hunt Chasse persane , ca. Mohammed Racim, Casbah Terraces Les terrasses de la casbah , n.

Mohammed Racim, Naval Battle Bataille navale , ca. The Monument aux morts, Algiers. Boy Scouts salute the fallen of World War I. The Salle Pierre Bordes, concert hall in Algiers, Charles Halley, architect. It is bright, airy, and well-appointed, high up in the crumbling art deco building made to celebrate one hundred years of the French occupation of Algeria.

The collection is not strange: this is a serious scholarly library on European and to a lesser extent, Islamic art, formed between and , the year when over one million French abandoned the North African colony. The library as I found it in early , however, was all but deserted. The young librarian graciously allowed me to photocopy, but because of a lack of toner the machine made almost illegible prints. The breezy silence was sometimes broken by the chanting of young Islamist cadres, demonstrating on the former Champ de Manoeuvres French military parade grounds nearby.

Like the museum and its collections, the library had changed function, all but lost its brief. A colonial cultural institution, it nowadays speaks to but a fraction of the people. Yet what treasures it contains for the seeker after Orientalist and French art! They were doubly proud of the national heritage represented by the rooms devoted to the miniaturist Mohammed Racim and more recent works by Algerian abstract painters.

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They must accept some responsib ility for illegitimate debt. The Orientalist Painters had other strategies for encouraging its members to identify with the society. Published by Presses Universitaires de France P. The remixes on this 12' pushes the Penya sound over the border of the club ready aesthetic and expands with a variety of energies from club culture across continents. Published by Karthala According to the statement, both French and US officials said that theiradministrations will never interfere in the tribunals investigation.

The French, I was told, had repatriated both the old records and the paintings. Although most of the pictures were later re- 1 turned to Algiers, the papers remained in France. I had seen them in the colonial archives at Aix-enProvence. Channels for information have to be formed, data made to tell a story. Such a process involves selection, hypotheses, prejudices.

I am mindful of the morass of information I have confronted in excavating this history of Orientalism. Forging channels and constructing stories have been the hardest parts of the exercise, given the relative dearth of scholarship on such images and texts. As the camera eye of the satellite responds to the commands of the controlling power, so my historical construction serves a set of scholarly protocols, moral or ideological biases, aesthetic aversions and preferences, even publishing imperatives. The discipline of art history has helped guide me, although I feel this book is as much an informal contribution to the sociology of art or of colonial culture as, say, a history of style.

My preferences for the modernism of the French masters has nevertheless ensured that modernism remains a vector in this history. As for guiding moral biases, they will be too explicit for some, too feebly expressed for others. Although not in itself a contribution to Theory, this book is built on my responses to the intellectual climate of postcolonial theory, in particular the work of Frantz Fanon, Edward Said, and Homi Bhabha, profound critics of colonialism.

In Australia I have lived with the actuality of a settler culture coming to terms with its indigenous past and present. My own passion for both Aboriginal art and the politics of its interpretation has been the screen through which I have, semiconsciously, viewed questions about settler and indigenous cultures and political relations in North Africa. The cultural heritage I study in this book is by no means my own. Who has the greatest claim on Orientalist painting, it is hard to say. It is only marginally the heritage of the Algerians, many of whom must have but a tangential interest in the visual arts of their colonial past.

At the struggling museum, closed soon after my visit because of explicit threats from the fundamentalists, there were 2 Introduction more pressing issues than museum history. And indeed the museum, with its gross sculptures that contradict the Hadith or deeds of the Prophet and its lubricious subjects in painting, had never spoken to orthodox Islam.

Its renewed relevance in decolonized Algeria did not extend to the celebration of colonial origins. As for the French, they too are divided in their claims on this art, although French men and women were its main exponents. Very few French art historians or curators have visited the Algiers museum— some curators were astonished when I stated my intention of visiting.

But they were the custodians of modernism, and the relation of modernism to the colonial sphere has always been uneasy. Colonial nostalgia, the sentiment of loss experienced by French people driven by political circumstances from a country where they had struggled to make a home, has its validity. The pieds-noirs Algerian-born French people may be as close as one gets to the owners of the culture I am studying.

But the scholarship emerging from such nostalgia can be partial to a fault. All my postgraduate work in the United States dealt with Henri Matisse. I conceived this book a decade later to answer the question, what was Orientalist art in the time of its historical emergence? How was it thought about, written up, reviewed? Under what conditions was it produced, exhibited, collected? The answer entails a careful historical account of Orientalist art and its relations with colonial culture, one that considers the politics of representation driving postcolonial theory and retains a sense of connection to the problematics of modernism, if only to view them obliquely, in the light of histories whose existence modernist historiographers have forgotten.

What does it mean to attach PierreAuguste Renoir to the Orientalist tradition, and see his impressionism as a secondary matter? To learn that some critics argued the innovations of impressionism were enabled by prior experiences of travelers to the East? How would it skew the image of Henri Matisse to see him as a fellow traveler in the caravan of colonial art tourists, whose work was made possible by the annexation of Morocco? Introduction 3 The many imagined claimants on such a history of Orientalism, from art-loving Saudi sheikhs to pied-noir families, from French museum professionals to American art history students, indicate that it is eminently cross-cultural.

Orientalist painting is an art of the interstices, often made literally on the move. The Orientalist view or photograph retains, as it were, the skin of the scene, but little of its inwardness. In his case, resocializing the self made it possible to transform the meaning of Orientalist paintings, even if it provided little in the way of aesthetic revelation.

On the other side of such a cross-cultural exchange is the work of the few indigenous artists who took up painting. They are rare indeed compared with the myriad Europeans, Americans, even Australians who traveled in search of subjects to the countries of the Maghreb the Arabic word for the setting sun that designates the cultural and geographic bloc comprising the three large states of Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco.

The future artists Racim and the landscapist Azouoau Mammeri, as children of the indigenous elite in Algeria, had little choice whether to imbibe French language and cultural knowledge alongside the mother tongue and the Koran. For them, to be socialized by Francophone culture was a way forward. In adulthood, however, their decision to pursue painting in the face of local tradition was a distinct expression of will.

A visual technology like painting, implanted in a colonial situation, becomes available to users other than those who imported it. Better tools for describing such relations are available since Homi Bhabha suggested how indigenous people in colonial situations could live their mental life, strategically mimicking the Other to retain a space for the self. The recognition needs to be extended from the study of individuals to colonialism as a system.

Colonial systems, stretching back to the Roman imperium, can be thought of as the most ancient instance of the supracommunal struc- 4 Introduction tures now called globalizing. In this book of ten chapters, just two treat the activity of indigenous artists, and one of these involves a subaltern relation of anonymous decorative artisans organized by French colonial bureaucrats. The in-between men like Dinet, Mammeri, and Racim remain remarkable exceptions. But their exceptionalism also results from the extrinsic limitations, both institutional and personal, of my project, which have to be acknowledged.

My treatment of the visual and textual materials out of which I write has two main axes: arttheoretical and institutional. The ten chapters broadly alternate between these axes—between conditions of production and conditions of reception. The institutional approach, it seems to me, has the virtue of dispensing with the minute intensive scrutiny of enlightened individuals that is the bane and the joy of conventional art history.

It allows broad patterns for the Orientalist phenomenon to emerge— the role of exhibiting societies, of events like colonial expositions, of travel scholarships administered by the state, of art museums. Not only was the French colonial presence in the Maghreb a precondition of Orientalist art there, but Orientalist precepts also harmonized with thinking about the Other in contemporary colonial theory.

The danger in dealing with institutions is the loss of the human face, and in a book on art, of the Introduction 5 aesthetic dimension. My second emphasis—on Orientalist aesthetics and artists—gives me the chance to people the account with vivid personalities and signal pictures. Some of the artists are familiar names in less-than-familiar guises like Renoir or Matisse, each given a chapter.

Others like Mammeri or Racim are unfamiliar names whose claim on the attention of Euro-American art lovers I want to press here. Writing chapters on individual artists compels an engagement with mainstream art history—largely the history of the avant-garde. But earlier arguments on the Orientalism of the past have been based on incomplete art-historical information. A major aim of this book is to inject further information into the discussion. I have taken pains to seek out forgotten primary texts on Orientalism—and they, like the artists themselves, are remarkably numerous.

Others, such as the numberless reviews of exhibitions of Orientalist art, give a sense of the conceptual range in which the French public and critics thought about pictures made in colonies or protectorates overseas. I intend with this approach to underscore the connectedness of colonial personalities, art world organizers, artists, and works in a historically grounded theater of colonial activity, looking both out and back from the metropole roughly, the home country. In the Maghreb their counterparts were the more elusive Prosper Ricard, an expert in Algerian and Moroccan indigenous art; Jean Alazard, curator of the National Museum of Fine Arts of Algiers; and Victor Barrucand, the lapsed symbolist newspaperman and patron of the writer Isabelle Eberhardt.

It is worth considering those institutions as collectivities generating Orientalism: large entities that like the modern corporation or nongovernmental organization shift men about and unlike it produce artworks. The society was like a visual propaganda-development wing of the Ministry of the Colonies, which helped fund its annual Salons and, with the governments of the bigger colonies, established scholarships for young artists from the metropole to work in the French colonial empire from Morocco to Indochina.

Dioramas and panoramas see Chapter 5 mediated colonial imagery for the mass audience of the great expositions. Indeed the globe-trotting painter Louis Dumoulin proved himself a versatile showman in his grandiose panoramic installation of , the Tour du Monde. Traveling scholarships have a cross-institutional character, fertilizing Orientalist art by bringing individual painters, sculptors, and architects into the broader machine of the French colonial empire.

My study of the scholarships descends to the quotidian, telling how young and often insecure artists coped with life on government stipends in remote desert locations. Their expressions of enthusiasm or bewilderment are held against the visual record of their pictures, and the challenge of landscapes and peoples well beyond their previous experience. A study like this,which aims at grounded cultural history rather than investigates visual typologies, needs temporal and geographic limits.

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Results 1 - 26 of 26 Peuls nomades: E?tude descriptive des Wod?aab?e du Sahel nige?rien ( Collection "Hommes et socie?te?s") (French Edition) by Marguerite. Brief summary: A tool to speak and write in French. Country: Benin Chagrin nomade, Bamako, La Sahélienne/L'Harmattan, , p. Brief summary: The .

The half century from about to that I have chosen to study involves the period when French colonial expansion was at its apogee, and when the art movements of modernism complicate the aesthetic tableau. Because many of the critical issues raised by Orientalist art were present in romantic and realist criticism between and , Chapter 1 sketches that earlier critical discourse. My own account becomes more detailed at the point when standard accounts of Orientalism say the movement went into decline. The period after also marks the new imperialism, as France acquired colonies or protectorates—in Indochina, Tunisia, West Africa, Madagascar, and Morocco—in the years leading up to World War I.

The many artists issuing from France in this period were a cultural by-product of this engine house of colonial expansion under the Third Republic. The National Museum of Fine Arts Introduction 7 of Algiers was built for the little-known centenary, for the visual was crucial to centenary symbolism: paintings, posters, stamps, photographs, museum and military displays—all had a place in this grand fete of colonialism. If the signs of colonial resistance were largely suppressed in Algeria, in Paris two counter-expositions showed the anticolonial currents nascent among metropolitan and indigenous radicals.

The book closes with them, but only in the s did a chain reaction of political crises and wars bring about the almost complete dismemberment of the French colonial empire. I want to explain my geographic focus on North Africa in view of my remarks on colonialism as a global system. Historical ideas on Orientalism have always been closely tied to geopolitical conceptions of space.

Algeria was much the oldest French possession in North Africa, and the only one that became a thoroughgoing settler colony. As will be seen in Chapter 1, Algeria long remained the setting most popular for Salon pictures of Eastern subjects. A variety of conditions— travel infrastructure, relative security, francophony—abetted the raw appeal of the exotic that appeared so abundant in the mountains and oases of that country.

The smaller nation of Tunisia, declared a French protectorate governed jointly with the beys of Tunis in , also became a popular destination for artist travelers the most celebrated of whom was the Swiss Paul Klee. For the French, Morocco, never an Ottoman possession, represented an ancient and inaccessible Moorish culture.

But protectorate Morocco is equally interesting for its experiments in fostering the indigenous decorative arts under the guidance of Marshal Hubert-Gonzalve Lyautey. His progressive ideas about associating the colonial government with native hierarchies, adopted in all four colonial theaters, bore fruit in his cultural policies for Morocco.

But their peregrinations to Indochina, Japan, or Senegal are beyond the scope of this book. I hope instead to gain strength from my spatial focus on the axis from Paris to Algiers, with lines of cross-reference to Tangier and Tunis, Granada and Marseille. The North African component of this ancient Mediterranean littoral was a byway of Roman, Punic, and Berber cultures in antiquity and of Arab, Berber, and European cultures in modern times. Part of the French covetousness of the nearby Orient drew on perceptions of the imaginative and historical richness of the Maghreb as a location for culture.

The Maghreb is curious in that the French imperial will required its integration into the idea of the French nation. The easy way, conceptually, was to adopt a hierarchical model of inferior colonial dependencies that enriched, but did not impinge on, the metropole. Much Orientalist painting of Maghrebian people and places observes that separation. The antique Latin connection— Frenchmen asserting that they were the new Romans come to reclaim their inheritance—went some distance but violently negated the Arab and Berber presence.

The concept of cross-cultural fusion with current North African culture remains fascinating. That idea advanced further in art and letters than in politics. Introduction 9 1 Orient or France? I catch myself envying the lot of those men who are lying outstretched amid their azure shades, and whose eyes, neither waking nor sleeping, express, if anything at all, only love of repose and a feeling of blissful happiness inspired by an immensity of light.

The desire for expatriation is strong in his contemplation of an oil painting, nostalgia for a sun so absent in a wet Paris spring, envy for the lot of men understood as creatures entirely given over to their senses. Images of ports and ships, of half-glimpsed tropical foliage, abundant fruit, and warm seas arose as he contemplated the body of his sleeping mistress and her origins elsewhere. The siege and sack of Laghouat did not take place until , as a response to one of the sporadic rebellions in the region. His disenchantments resulted from the depredations of Europeans.

So varied, so picturesque, so interesting in former times, [it] will soon be nothing more than a prolongation of the Rue de Rivoli. The most glaring act of destruction there was the razing of the Turkish Palace of the Deys to open up the vast Place du Gouvernement soon ringed with Haussmannesque buildings. The motley crowd—French soldiers, civilian men and Orient or France?

Gautier did not oppose modernization as such: he lauded the new steam technologies that powered the passenger boats, enabling rapid scheduled crossings of the Mediterranean. But the march of modernity itself in the Algerian colony was generally not a valid subject for serious art Fig. The romantic critic expected paintings to image otherness—architectural, ethnographic, or climatic.

Insofar as Gautier and the traveling Salon artists he applauded were tourists, that requirement of the cultural tour has changed little in a century and a half. In the Fromentin painting, the shadow where the sleeping Arabs lie is, metaphorically, the shadow of a violent past of which the artist was well aware. The Siege of Laghouat of was such an action, with bloody repression following the taking of the town. Like most of the French campaigns it was depicted in now largely forgotten military paintings. To do so would have been impolitic, given his own reliance on the French military presence for his security.

In his apparently timeless image of Laghouat peace 16 Orient or France? While his paintings gave rise to passionate discussions, his writings on Algeria essayed an aesthetic of Orientalist practice. By the time his novel Dominique was published in , Fromentin had established a unique reputation, being recognized equally as a writer and a painter. He had journeyed to Algiers and Blida in the spring of with Armand du Mesnil, returning to make his Salon debut with two Algerian landscapes.

He went back to Algeria for the —48 winter, traveling farther south with the painter and early photographer Auguste Salzmann to the near Saharan oasis of Biskra about which see Chapter 7. Key passages, however, address the problems of painting the Orient. It escapes general laws, the only ones worth following.

Even when it is very beautiful, it retains a certain modicum. This is an order of beauty that, having no precedents in either ancient literature or art, strikes us initially as bizarre. He gains his conviction from measuring the task against a familiar system: the academic tradition he had imbibed in the painting studio of Louis Cabat. In the s Fromentin had argued forcefully against an ethnographic approach to painting. He thought it dangerous to present to the European viewer aspects of life in the Orient so bizarre as to be inassimilable to the art of painting. His travelogues contain copious descriptions of the North African scene, the landscape and vegetation, the towns, the oases and their activity, and the people he met and occasionally befriended.

To penetrate further into Arab life than is permitted seems to me misplaced curiosity.

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This people must be seen from the distance at which it chooses to reveal itself: men close up, women from afar. He painted distant views of their encampments under rolling clouds and innumerable scenes of horsemanship and the hunt on the open plains of the Sahel Fig. There Fromentin details a falconry hunt at Lake Haououa and a fatal fantasia a display of riding and skill in arms by a mass of galloping horsemen that followed. In the latter a key character in the narrative, a Mozabite town-dwelling desert Berber beauty friendly to the narrator, named Haoua, is crushed by a horse ridden by her jealous husband.

That incompatibility of responses can be linked to his technical limitations as a painter, which he himself lamented. He felt, for example, that Delacroix was the only artist skilled enough to represent adequately that great image of Maghrebian horsemanship, the fantasia. Presuppositions shared by Delacroix, Gautier, and many other travelers to the East in the nineteenth century led them to compare the Oriental scene to ancient Rome and Palestine. Fro- Orient or France? As Patricia Lorcin has admirably demonstrated, such writings propagated the Kabyle myth, which argued for the racial separateness of the Berber peoples of Algeria primarily the Kabyle, Chaouia, and Mozabite groups from the Arabs.

They lived in villages and farmed, unlike the nomadic Arabs, and thus had developed characteristics and social institutions that brought them far closer to Europeans than the Arabs would ever come. According to the racial scale most Europeans accepted in the nineteenth century, the Berbers were well above the Arabs, if below the Europeans. Arabs were generally denigrated for their immorality their practice of polygamy , their irrationality their acceptance of Koranic religion , their lack of productivity their failure to either farm or pursue a trade , and a general duplicity.

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He idolized the Arabs, writing of the heroism of their nomadic life, their moral toughness, their simplicity. Kabyle farmers scarcely appear in his account, perhaps because he rarely encountered them. Such racial preferences underwrite the imagery of his painting, so wholly given over to the people of the plains and arid zones. As for indigenous perceptions of the French, Fromentin had few illusions. Indeed, in a politically precocious passage he describes the Arab hatred of the French.

What they detest is our proximity, that is to say, ourselves: our style, our habits, our character, our genius. They fear our very kindness. Their principle, their maxim, is to be silent, to disappear, and to have us forget them. It is not surprising that when an intellectually sustained critique of Orientalist painting challenged the unmitigated approbation of Gautier and Baudelaire and the equivocation of Fromentin, it came from the realists. Members of that camp were both opponents of the academic order and critics of the social order. The socialist position—that capitalists in the international framework had as little right to exploit workers in foreign climes as they did the European proletariat—was articulated well before the turn of the century.

Charles-Robert Ageron has shown that leftists had no monopoly on anticolonial sentiment.

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The argument against modernization also found its place early on in art criticism, with Gautier, as we have seen, leading the way. Castagnary realized the advantages of being consistent in his negativity. In vain do they. Courbet put that view of painting in his famous letter to his students of , a manifesto of realism thought to have been ghostwritten by his friend Castagnary.

It has, as it were, entered into the development of my ideas, participated in the formation of my personality, and wherever I go, I carry it with me. Now your desert, your palm trees, your camels may astonish my intelligence, but they will never produce the sweet and peaceful emotion given me by 24 Orient or France? In describing some archetypal Barbizon landscape replete with cows, meadows, and poplars, Castagnary excludes any image of the nation made outside the hexagon of true France.

The French colonial empire—what came to be called greater France or France overseas— did not qualify as a subject for painting. Indeed in the International Congress of Orientalists was founded in France to promote such studies. There is nothing they would not prefer to what is. It is of a coldly calculating indecency, and I recoil from describing it. Before the end of the decade little had occurred to counter the decadence of the genre for Castagnary.

Regnault was an elite convert to Orientalism: winner of the Prix de Rome, he had defected from the academic main- Orient or France? The two men then set up a studio at Tangier on the Moroccan coast opposite Gibraltar , where Regnault intended to undertake a series of ambitious canvases on life under the Moorish caliphs of Granada. His stay in Spain and Tangier, his grandiose imagination, the verve and the brilliance of his execution might have done more for the doctrine than twenty years of camels and desert.

Men like him cannot be replaced. The two students he leaves behind [Benjamin Constant and Georges Clairin] are not worthy successors. It is not their fault after all, if the lessons of bear fruit. Let us abandon this movement, and let history be its judge. That trenchant text was one of a number that make — 76 a crucial time in the debates on Orientalism. Strangely enough, he took the opportunity to comment sympathetically on his own recent paintings from Egypt, publishing an unsigned Salon review in the Revue suisse.

In it Fromentin generally praises academic values and condemns the Orientalist genre, rehearsing passages from his own Sahel a book he names. A lengthy promenade through the museums of Belgium and Holland, it is written with a sense of the relevance of the old masters to issues of debate in recent French art. To be frank, it is only a change of air tried out by people in poor health. Painting today is never bright enough, never sharp enough, never explicit enough, never crude enough. Contemporary Arabs.

Why does he persist in hindering the colonization of Algeria? No one knows. And why should contemporary Arabs seem to him the only ones worthy of the preoccupation of the painter? Indeed, no one knows that either. In those policies included the expropriation of Arab and Berber land, the introduction of French education, bans on the rights of the indigenous to bear arms, to vote, and so on. Instead, following the deadly famines of the late s and the disturbances of the Franco-Prussian War, the Kabyle In- Orient or France?

They have cloaked him in a woollen bedspread borrowed from the butcher next door because this fraternizing with Arabs has made them blood-thirsty. Finally, they have added the secar la cabeza of the sabir [Algerian working-class dialect] jargon of the swarthy natives in the province of Oran to their Italian vocabulary brought back from Rome. Despite the rain of criticism that seemed to fall upon Orientalism in the year , in painting it did not die.

Castagnary, Duranty, Zola, and even Fromentin himself proved wrong in their dire prognostications. There are reasons for the ultimate failure of the realist critique. The second is that the energy of French colonial expansion greatly increased as the century advanced, with attendant propagandist machinery including the Universal Expositions of and that will be discussed in later chapters. Orientalist painters are legion today. What is the use of laughable prohibitions? Marx, a symbolist critic, supporter of Gauguin, and former realist, argued that if temperament was innate and portable, it could be applied in exotic climes as well as any others.

Generally Renoir seems disconnected from Orientalism. Hardly an exoticist, he is feted rather for 33 his paintings of the French countryside and French women. It would be fair to presume a gulf between the impressionist avant-garde, with its leftish commitment to the painting of modern life and experimental techniques, and academic painters, whether toughened adventurers wooed by the ethnographic scene in far countries or armchair travelers concocting dubious fantasies at home, who practiced a conservative Orientalism.

It is their authority that entitles me to call Renoir an Orientalist. Renoir was adept at both, although the colonial works are the focus here. Delacroix had used such models in making his Women of Algiers, which reconstructed a scene he had witnessed in Algiers shortly before. Renoir, however, who had not yet traveled to the East, emphasizes that his models are Parisians, and thus his work could be seen as naturalist demythologizing of the Orientalist genre. That is not the case with the Jewish Wedding copy, which shows Renoir in the grip of art-historical memory and exoticist yearnings, thus calling into question images of him as a doctrinaire impressionist workman, painting the countryside and people of France.

In fact impressionism was by no means innocent of the exotic. In he recalled: Nothing had attracted me so much as the endless cavalcades under the burning sun, the razzias [raids], the crackling of gunpowder, the saber thrusts, the nights in the desert under a tent.

I succeeded, by personal insistence, in being drafted into an African regiment. In Algeria I spent two [sic] really charming years. In my moments of leisure I attempted to render what I saw. You cannot imagine. The impressions of light and color that I received there were not to classify themselves until later, but they contained the germ of my future researches. After just a year of service an attack of typhoid fever sent him back to convalesce in Le Havre, where his fam- Renoir and Impressionist Orientalism 35 ily agreed to buy him out of the regiment.

He returned to his promising career as a painter. Nothing remains of the works Monet recalled making in Algeria, even if, as he told a journalist in , they were numerous and directly presaged some of the techniques of his impressionism. He did so partly to recover from pneumonia—a common pathology for travel to the Orient. Such a search relied on the new steamship and rail technology that Gautier had vaunted as delivering new subjects for painting. But it is surprising how much good painting he was able to produce during his brief stays in Algeria.

The French were energetically cultivating crops like the grapevine that had no place in the Islamic economy. For two generations the colonists had been knocking down sections of Algerian towns and building in the European but not yet the Moorish manner. The process was especially advanced in the capital Algiers, where, except for the hillside precinct of the Casbah, much of the original town and the waterfront had been remodeled, as Gautier had lamented, in imitation of the arcades and apartment blocks of the Rue de Rivoli. Hardier travelers could chase the exotic south by train and stagecoach to oa- 36 Renoir and Impressionist Orientalism sis resorts like Biskra where Gustave Guillaumet and Charles Landelle painted in the s and s , or they could, like Renoir, seek it out in the easy environs of Algiers itself.

Such musicians were often hired to help celebrate parties and some religious feasts. Below this terrain vague, the corner of bleached domes and cubes appears to depict the precinct of the Mosque of Sidi Abd-er-Rahman looking down to the blue sea. Renoir probably considered the North African spectacle as a characteristic problem of pictorial Orientalism: how to render the light and color of the exotic site. Fromentin believed that his canvases rarely met the challenge of painting such experiences, and neither perhaps did those of Renoir, who preferred the temperate Mediterranean zone in and around Algiers.

Moorish architecture held great attraction for Renoir. The site was one favored by French painters, photographers, and after publishers of picture postcards. Renoir is typical in giving no sense of its proximity to the bustling modernity of the Algiers port. The curious composition, looking straight up a Renoir and Impressionist Orientalism 39 figure 14 Albert Lebourg, Algiers Street, oil on canvas, ca.

They are almost universally unpeopled, as if the crumbling, bleached walls were enough of a sub- 40 Renoir and Impressionist Orientalism ject in themselves Fig. Lebourg was also modernist in his use, more than a decade before Monet, of the loose series as a structure for visual research. What held back Lebourg was his palette: his Algiers views were tonal compositions, extensions of earlier landscape traditions. One must recognize that the scale of his colors is the same in Algiers as in Paris; he did not modify it.

He [understood] the Mediterranean rather than the Oriental element in the atmosphere and sky of Algiers. Reprinted with his Summer in the Sahara in , that text may have encouraged Renoir to visit Algiers and directed him to the nearby hamlet of Mustapha, where Fromentin had had his lodgings. The verdant crescent of the Bay of Algiers went well beyond the city, where the French now occupied the elegant Moorish villas built by rais corsair captains under the Ottoman Regency. I have never seen anything more sumptuous and more fertile. Normandy is poor by comparison.

He encapsulates the sense of possession, of both the land and the labor of the indigenous, in his image of a visiting sovereign with power over all he surveys. Renoir and Impressionist Orientalism 41 Renoir was particularly interested in the subtropical vegetation that grew in profusion in the Mediterranean zone of North Africa. In the Orientalist iconography, plants like the palm tree become archetypal markers of the exotic, even when abstracted from their desert oasis habitat. Lining the roads in the meadows are orchards of bananas. In fact, the banana is a great crop here.

Renoir nonetheless carefully located this compositionally daring scene, with the Mustapha hillside and the city glowing white in the distance. As with Field of Banana Trees, Renoir experimented in turning over most of the picture space to the spiky, vigorous foliage itself. He assumed the vantage point of a casual stroller looking down a deep perspective of trees, almost shutting out the sky with the canopy of palms, like Corot or Monet in the woods of the Ile-de-France.

Here the fronds, seen overhead against the sunlight, make patterns of striated shadows on the path. In both Monet and Renoir the Mediterranean appears as a zone where Africa and the Riviera interpenetrate—in the quality of their light and in their vegetation. Will I get them? If only you knew how many bad painters there are here.

For one such cross-cultural masquerade Renoir dressed the ten-yearold daughter of Louis Fourcaud, a Parisian art writer and journalist, in a specially purchased costume and produced an admittedly saccharine study of her head and bust. There I made a lifesize portrait of a young girl named Mlle Fleury, dressed in Algerian costume, in an Arab house, holding a bird.

Renoir certainly had a growing reputation as a portraitist to the metropolitan haute bourgeoisie. His approach might almost be called anti-ethnographic. In a clutch of minor works Renoir attempted to seize the human image on the streets of Algiers with an apparent openness to the diversity of the inhabitants.

He lived with them, looked at them through his own eyes, and did not paint them en orientaliste. The unadorned costumes serve as a sartorial indicator of class. He is the only male painted as an individual in the Algerian series except in the surprising Arab on a Camel Arabe au chameau; location unknown , showing a barefoot Bedouin on a dromedary painted with a skill to put most professional Orientalists to shame. This older woman must have agreed to pose long enough for Renoir to study her features and bearing with care. The portrait seems sympathetic to the sitter and projects psychological depth.

According to Jean Renoir, his highly class-conscious father was often contemptuous of the wealthy. With two brief trips—a stay totaling three months—Renoir never pretended to that achievement. As Alazard said, once Renoir had left Algeria, he reverted to French subjects. The actuality of the Orient purged him of the earlier studio imaginings Delacroix had inspired, and he returned to the subjects prescribed by the anti-Orientalist critics of the s: the French nation, contemporary French life.

In one bright burst of Oriental pictures Renoir had embraced the freedom to travel espoused by critics from Gautier to Roger Marx. But he remained a naturalist of immediate horizons, requiring the model before him to make sense of the task of painting. As such it bears the unmistakable imprint of the empirical sciences of the late eighteenth and the nineteenth century and the mode of aesthetic description called naturalism.

That is, the light-color problematic is a key element in the depersonalized aestheticizing of the Orient. For many artists from Fromentin to Matisse, the problem of painting the East was to discover how to represent a place resistant to representation because it lies outside the bounds of the normally picturable. As criticism and theory developed around impressionist painting, analyses of perceptions of light and color and their translation in the medium of paint attained a new sophistication.

The inclusion of Algerian pictures in three of the eight impressionist exhibitions held in Paris between and can serve to open this analysis of the crossover between impressionism and Orientalism. The key player was not Renoir, who showed just two Algerian pictures in , but Lebourg, whose display of two groups of Algerian canvases in and made his reputation. Yet the dominant view was that these works were more solid than those by the big impressionist names. In regard to [Lebourg], Algeria was the veritable midwife of his talent. I know of no Orientalist for whom the brightening of the palette has been so rapid.

He drew from a single theme the text of pictures that were similar yet unlike. The beautiful sky of Algeria did the rest. The scales fell from his eyes. In that case the historical importance of the critic-curator, personally in charge of contemporary art acquisitions for the French state for almost thirty years, is evident. He tackled. The paintings themselves disclose links with the iconography of the North African colony, in sites well established for their cultural and touristic interest. In avoiding these, the best of his small canvases achieve a human immediacy and openness that were valuable at a time when racial description could be the handmaiden of repressive colonial policy.

Few were now content to work as individuals, traveling alone to the East and showing their works amid the visual competition of the annual Salon. Collegiality, the sense of belonging to a communal movement, had ceased to be the preserve of avantgarde groups like the impressionists. Such societies, from the Union of Women Painters and Sculptors to the Society of Painter-Lithographers, typify the sociology of art in the modern era. This approach makes more explicit the circuits of production by which Orientalist art came into being, was exhibited and reviewed, and was absorbed into French colonial culture.

The Society of French Orientalist Painters society or Orientalist Painters for short can be understood as a collectivity authoring Orientalism. The society sought to establish its institutional power in a network of art world and colonial relations. Thus textual models of an Orientalist movement preceded its curatorial realization in exhibitions.

Evidently I too was predestined for Orientalism. Colonial subjects had already begun a limited immigration to the metropolitan state, implanting their culture on the fringes of French society. Orientalism often ran in families. At the Luxembourg he spent three decades acquiring works for the state, organizing exhibitions, representing the French museums overseas, and publishing a long series of monographs on later-nineteenth-century artists. By his own account, the Algerian pavilion at the Universal Exposition of in Paris planted the idea for a grouping of Orientalist artists. Other exotic milieux were commercial enterprises, like the Cairo Street, built using fragments of Cairene buildings condemned to make way for colonial modernity.

This Algerian exhibition of galvanized those who were to found the Society of French Orientalist Painters. Armand Point, the well-known symbolist, who had been born in Algeria and had begun his career painting desert landscapes,14 selected the works shown. It opened in at the Palace of Industry. The memory of the exhibitions demonstrating the genius of the French school profoundly marked the retrospective section.

Nostalgia informed most of the things he wrote. Such words exemplify the self-conscious platform an art society can engender. The Orientalist Painters sought not just to foster French art in the colonies but also to bring the richness of colonized cultures to the attention of the metropolitan public. Samuel Bing, the great entrepreneur associated with japonisme and art nouveau, also participated. A highlight of the exhibition was the collection of twenty-two Persian and Indian miniatures belonging to Louis Gonse, japoniste and director of the Gazette des Beaux-Arts.

Such arguments help explain the considerable support given the Muslim Art Exhibition by elite French procolonial politicians. At the feet of the colonial parliamentarians lie the artifacts of exotic cultures—Polynesian weapons and West African sculptures—presented as the booty of colonial triumphs. In that context, the role of the Orientalist Painters displayed in rooms adjoining the Islamic art was to visualize both those climes and the cultures that had brought the artifacts into use. The actual founding of the society took place in with the drawing up of statutes and the appointment of an executive and a committee of patrons.

The Society. As in the case of Renoir, however, there were exceptions. Charles Cottet was the only committee member with a body of work recognized in more progressive circles of the time. Following the model of the Muslim Art Exhibition from which it inherited some key patrons the society strategically sought prestige and material aid for the institutional cause. The right patronage was crucial 66 A Society for Orientalists in establishing the network of power relations that supported such cultural institutions. The best example of such a member is Maurice Potter.

He died on the Abyssinian Plateau, speared in the side by a local when the column was passing through long grass. But such events did nothing to stem the missionary zeal of the Orientalist Painters. Durand-Ruel was the dealer who had made his fortune as the supporter of Monet and the impressionist painters while also managing a stock of earlier progressives like Corot and Delacroix. Renoir was represented by Durand-Ruel, as we have seen. The society recognized the ratifying power of a modernist who aestheticized the Orient.

It not only courted Renoir in the s but, as we shall see, recuperated Gauguin after his death and even promoted cubist renditions of colonial themes after Until he exhibited several works each year at the Orientalist Painters, primarily studies made in the Islamic monuments of Cairo and, in and , the curious chryselephantine sculptures he took up in the last decade of his life.

His strategy for giving the Orientalist Painters prestige was certainly successful: many reviewers were delighted to expatiate on the work of these indisputably impressive artists. At the Grand Palais the Orientalist exhibitions could expand greatly in scale. The apogee of one thousand paintings was reached in Shows were mounted for the Ethiopian casualty Maurice Potter and for Marius Perret, who had died of illness in Java in The Orientalist Painters had other strategies for encouraging its members to identify with the society.

Adding to the seductions of the cuisine was the table, embellished by the little Caravan of M. This group of Frenchmen appropriated for its emblem or logo designed by Paul Leroy and printed on all its catalogues, posters, and menus the sickle moon of Islam, the star of David or the seal of Solomon , and a black Hand of Fatma Fig. Its most interesting recipient was the Algerian miniaturist Mohammed Racim, in Chudant was one of the few Orientalist painters to act on the plea of organizers of the Muslim Art Exhibition, that French artists and designers learn from their Islamic counterparts.

Primarily a landscapist, he had made a special study of the Nabeul potteries in Tunisia, paint- 74 A Society for Orientalists figure 29 Paul Leroy, symbol of the Society of French Orientalist Painters, wood engraving, Algiers—Cocktail Hour juxtaposes ancient roof terraces against an image of modern shipping in the port of Algiers. The scene is set in a lithographed frame decorated with diaper work derived from Maghrebian ceramic tile patterns.

Chudant, who had early training as an architect, maintained a keen interest in the decorative arts and decorative painting. A Society for Orientalists 77 4 Orientalists in the Public Eye T he question of the Orient is no less vast, sweeping, dense, and tentacular in painting than in politics. Orientalists might depict a vast sweep of peoples and places, but their work did not have a comparable diversity of style or message. Critiques of imperial expansion, frequent in French politics, had no real counterpart in painting.

One could argue that all Orientalist art by Europeans tacitly endorsed the colonial order, or at least instrumentalized it—there was virtually no anticolonial painting before the historical reconstructions of Mohammed Racim in the s. As we have seen, preservationist convictions led many European artists to produce nostalgic images of Eastern places and cultures as pristine.

Painting failed to represent the scenes that anticolonial literature in France might lead us to expect—of the social disruption or architectural vandalism brought by the French colonists. In that arena the complex play of opinion is less ambiguous, though disapproval of the project of Orientalism can translate into negative judgments of the work on apparently aesthetic grounds.

A full spectrum of critical opinion is available in the dozens of reviews of the Orientalist Salons in specialist journals and daily newspapers. Posters like those of Alexandre Lunois were made to publicize the exhibition Fig. The modern tourist, then as today, left Paris for southern climes to seek relief from the cold, as the seasonal rhythms of work allowed.

In them, the artist is doubled with an explorer. They yearn for wide-open spaces, because these not only provide subjects for painting but also satisfy a great need for action. Orientalists get bored in Paris. In the tradition of those critics of Orientalism Castagnary and Duranty, some of the most interesting writing about the society was negative. The salonniers of La Plume, La Revue blanche, Le Mercure de France, and Gil Blas—young poets, novelists, and critics more than art world functionaries or scholars—found reason to scorn an art closer to academic realism than to the movements they supported, from symbolist to cubist.

Can a painter be an Orientalist? That will be revenge for you. The repetitious character of Orientalist painting is something many critics had cause to regret. Baudelaire, half a century earlier, had expanded the idea of the visually conventional into two critical categories, the chic and the poncif.

He associated both of them with the sometime Orientalist and military painter Horace Vernet. The many new little Salons ran the risk of the poncif by bringing together works of similar theme. In his Friday sermon, the preacher discusses worship during the fasting month of Ramadan and says: "The main objective of worships is that they polish souls, straighten morals, and purify bodies, taking into consideration that they constitute protection of the servant and through which he gets closer to Almighty God, gets rid of his whims and lusts, and knows his duties toward God and the prophet.

Material in the World News Connection is generally copyrighted by the source cited. Permission for use must be obtained from the copyright holder. Speaking during a Majlis session on Sunday, Larijani made the remarks in response to U. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who recently said she is ready to hold talks with Iran on Afghanistan. In early August, U. President Barack Obama also proposed holding talks with Iran on Afghanistan, claiming that since the two countries have a "mutual interest" in fighting the Taliban, "Iran should be a part of that the talks and could be a constructive partner.

On June 9, the UN Security Council approved the fourth round of sanctions against Iran in a vote, but Brazil and Turkey voted against the resolution and Lebanon abstained. The Iranian nation is well aware of the U. Elsewhere in his remarks, the Majlis speaker noted, "The United States' black record is before the nation's eyes, so the U. He also stated, "Ms. Clinton condescends to hold talks with Iran on Afghanistan. In response to the UN sanctions resolution, the Majlis approved a bill allowing the reciprocal inspection of foreign ships and banning the inspection of Iranian nuclear sites beyond the requirements of the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.

The United States should be aware that the Majlis will keep a close eye on their behavior, and they should not suppose that by using a different tone they can "lighten the burden of their betrayal of the Iranian nation," Larijani added. Description of Source: Tehran Mehr News Agency in English -- conservative news agency; run by the Islamic Propagation Office, which is affiliated with the conservative Qom seminary; www. President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad said last month that Iran was ready to resumelong-stalled nuclear talks with world powers in September, adding that Iranwants Turkey and Brazil to participate in the negotiations.

Mottaki said that Iran is holding talks with other countries to be a part ofthis group. Mottaki also said that good relations between Syria and Iran will deter anyattacks. As the monsoon rains move south,numerous roads, bridges and dams have been damaged. Crops have been destroyed. It is likely that next year-s crops will not be planted. Yet amid allthis destruction are reasons for optimism. Rapid US action to support Pakistan-s relief efforts may help improveAmerica-s image among a population that generally resents the UnitedStates.

US Chinooks - seen as angels of mercyafter the earthquake - are helping Pakistanis over flood-ravagedmountains and plains, and represent both US ability to help Pakistanis and thePakistani military-s willingness to work with its US counterparts. This collaboration will go a long way toward building relationships amongrank-and-file service members. The head of Pakistan-s air force isvisiting the United States this week to see joint air exercises in Nevada. Suchencounters will educate people and help both countries dispel false notionsabout each other. Although much has been made of the negative findings in the July 29 Pew GlobalAttitudes Project poll, there are underlying signs of hope.

Pew found that 68percent of Pakistanis view the United States unfavorably and that 59 percent ofrespondents classify it as an enemy. But little has been said about the 64percent of Pakistanis who consider it important to improve relations with theUnited States. This is an opportunity for both countries to increase public understanding. AGallup poll of US perceptions in about 20 nations released in February showedthat only 23 percent of Americans viewed Pakistan favorably. But whileAmericans 55 and older accounted for just 17 percent of the favorable ratings,it was heartening that Americans ages 18 to 34 accounted for 34 percent.

Theremay be an opportunity to connect American and Pakistani youth and help themmove past the entrenched narratives that have long driven policy decisions inBOTh countries. The US and Pakistani narratives of each other-s actions have divergedsince Pakistan became a nation 63 years ago. By these tellings, Pakistan hasshifted from the 'most allied of allies' to a pariah state that wasthe target of US sanctions.

Much has been made of Pakistan-s havens forterrorists; the country has been called a terrorist state in danger of being afailed state. Many in the United States see Pakistanis as duplicitous; theypoint to President Mohammed Zia ul-Haq lying in the s, when he denied thatPakistan was enriching uranium to build a bomb to keep up with historic rivalIndia.

Yet in the Pakistani view, the US is a fickle ally, in contrast to China, whichhas been an 'all-weather' friend. Pakistanis- assessment isthat Washington believed Zia-s untruth because it needed Pakistan-ssupport to fight the Soviet Union in Afghanistan - further proof ofAmericans favoring transactional, fair-weather relationships. The Obama administration and Congress have outlined a longer-term aid programunder legislation sponsored by Senators John F.

The State Department map of the aid program showsprojects all over Pakistan, which will help underscore that the aid is not onlyfor the Afghan border region but is spread throughout the country and is forprojects that meet the urgent needs of the people. Indeed, some of the disaster relief is now likely to be funded by theKerry-Lugar-Berman legislation. But urgent and concentrated US efforts must bemade to reassess and restructure that project in light of the floods.

The flowof funds must be speeded up. The true test of these plans ultimately will be inPakistan - in their implementation and in the political actions by its government and opposition parties to come together to help the millions ofdisplaced and homeless flood victims. To reconstruct damaged homes and infrastructure and help its people recover,Pakistan will require enormous aid - not just from the United States andEurope but also from Muslim nations and its neighbors.

Meanwhile, the battleagainst the homegrown insurgency and militancy that threaten Pakistan-spolity rages on. Even as Washington focuses on leaving Afghanistan, it must notlose sight of Pakistan-s long-term civil and military needs - notjust for short-term gain but in an effort to build a lasting relationship. To help change the long-entrenched story, Washington and Islamabad need todisplay consistent behavior.

Trust must be built on mutual understanding andequally beneficial actions. Thecountry-s establishment was blamed for behaving duplicitously in theAmerican war effort in neighboring Afgh anistan, by backing both sides -the United States and the Taliban - at the same time. There wasconsiderable public anger in Pakistan at the way British Prime Minister DavidCameron handled such suspicions, some of which was directed at President AsifAli Zardari, who decided to proceed with a planned official visit to Londondespite Cameron-s harsh language.

Public anger at the charges coming from the United States and the UnitedKingdom about Pakistan-s Inter-Services Intelligence ISI increased asround-the-clock television coverage showed the devastation and suffering causedby floods in the country-s northwest, the worst in more than 80 years. The military launched a major effort to help those affected. Its commander,General Ashfaq Pervez Kayani, whose tenure in office was recently, andunusually, extended for an additional three years, was alone amongPakistan-s senior leaders in visiting the flood-affected areas andshowing concern about the suffering.

And this was not the only crisis in whichthe military leadership seemed to be doing what the public thought was right. The Wikileaks publication of raw United States military intelligence reportsfrom Afghanistan confirmed what had long been suspected. The records contained firsthandaccounts of the anger felt by Americans at the ISI-s unwillingness toconfront the insurgents, in particular those who were attacking US and NATOtroops near the Pakistani border. The ISI seemed to be keeping its lines ofcommunications open to some Taliban in the hope that they could be used as areserve force in case of another military confrontation with India or aprecipitous American withdrawal from Afghanistan.

This theme of apparent Pakistani duplicity was picked up by David Cameron. In aspeech delivered before an audience of Indian business leaders in Bangalore,the British prime mini ster accused Pakistan of being on both sides of theAfghan equation. Cameron-s remarks were deeply resented in Pakistan. They left theimpression that the United Kingdom was prepared to humiliate Pakistan publiclyin order to curry favor with the Indians.

The strategy may work over the shortterm in winning export orders for British firms from India. But, over the long run, Britishbehavior is likely to contribute to the worsening of Indian-Pakistani relations. The Pakistani public demanded a quick, decisive rebuke of the United Kingdomfrom the country-s leadership. It came from the military. LieutenantGeneral Ahmad Shuja Pasha, the head of the ISI, canceled a planned visit toLondon, where he was supposed to discuss intelligence matters with his Britishcounterparts; meanwhile, the Pakistani civilian leadership seemed to dither.

After initially hesitating, Z ardari did fly to London three days later. Pakistan-s civilian government also seemed to be dropping the ball in theeconomic field, as poor management by the authorities was driving the countrytowards another crisis. Partly because of the floods that recently overcamePakistan, which will shave off at least 1 percent from GDP, partly because ofthe administration-s inability and unwillingness to curb non-essentialexpenditures, and partly because of slowing export growth, Pakistan is onceagain facing serious fiscal and balance-of-payments problems.

This time, however, foreign help might not be as readily available as it wasin, say, The government anticipated 4. It will be lucky if it manages to achieve 2.

Bibliography : The African Book Publishing Record

Pakistan is now the sick man of South Asia, with three consecutive years ofgrowth estimated at below 3 percent causing the number of people living inabsolute poverty to increase by 10 million. Much of this increase is occurringin large cities where discontent was already mounting in response to thegovernment-s palpable failure to provide basic goods and services. These deepening crises on several fronts - some attributed to poorgovernance - raise the question once again as to whether Pakistan cansustain its democracy. The military-s high and positive profile seems tosuggest that it is the only institution left in a tottering Pakistani statethat seems able to stabilize a delicate situation.

But will Pakistan-s military once more inject itself directly into thepolitical arena, as it has done four times in the six decades sinceindependence? Or will the country-s civilian leaders mend their ways? The difference between today and the periods that preceded other Pakistanicoups is that an active civil society, an unconstrained electronic and printmedia, and an assertive judiciary may be able to keep the military in theba rracks and force the politicians onto the right track.

Nevertheless, July wasa cruel month for Pakistan, and more such months seem certain to follow. On August 3, the Lebanese and Israeli armies exchanged fire in a borderskirmish near the town of Aadaiseh. Two Lebanese soldiers, a journalist and asenior Israeli officer were killed. The incident taught the army and Hezbollah the importance of close coordinationin any future conflict, the source said.

Hezbollah has distributed protocols to its fighters for dealing with futureIsraeli aggression "on t he principle of proportional response in any potentialbattle," the source added. Al-Liwaa newspaper quoted on Friday a "well-informed" source as saying thatcertain parties are preparing for a "possible change in the national-unitygovernment at the beginning of September," in case political efforts fail toavert the crisis related to the Special Tribunal for Lebanon STL.

Minister of State for Administrative Reform Mohammad Fneish said Friday thatHezbollah will submit information requested by the STL to the Lebaneseauthorities, after a press conference this past Monday during which HezbollahSecretary General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah showed video footage and theconfession of an alleged spy which he said implicate Israel in Haririsassassination. Jumblatt plays a key role in cabinet change because of his blocs votes inParliament, the source added.

Any governmental change would aim to create a transitional cabinet "headed by apersonality able to refuse the Special Tribunal for Lebanons STL indictment" if it accused Hezbollah, the source also said. Minister of State for Administrative Reform Mohammad Fneish said Friday thatHezbollah will submit information requested by the STL to the Lebaneseauthorities, after a press conference last Monday during which Nasrallah showedvideo footage and the confessio n of an alleged spy which he said implicateIsrael in Hariris assassination.

The daily added that Hezbollah is drawing up plans to confront the STLsindictment. Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah presented on Monday videofootage and the confession of an alleged spy which he said implicates Israel inHariris murder. Al-Anbaa also quoted an unnamed March 14 source as saying that PM Saad Haririwill not compromise th e tribunal for political reasons. Minister of State for Administrative Reform Mohammad Fneish said Friday thatHezbollah will deliver to the Lebanese authorities information requested by theSTL, after a Monday press conference during which Hezbollah Secretary GeneralSayyed Hassan Nasrallah showed video footage and the confession of an allegedspy which he said implicate Israel in former Prime Minister Rafik Hariris assassination.

Fatfat also questioned why Nasrallah would withhold some information, say ing hewas "attempting continual pressure on public opinion and hinting that there ismore. Minister of State Mohammad Fneish said Friday that Hezbollah will deliver tothe Lebanese authorities information requested by the Special Tribunal forLebanon STL , after a Monday press conference during which Nasrallah showedvideo footage and the confession of an alleged spy which he said implicateIsrael in former Prime Minister Rafik Hariris assassination. T he Saudi ambassador added that Saudi King Abdullah bin Abdel Aziz had carriedthe message of the "predominance of reason and wisdom" during his visit toBeirut with Syrian President Bashar al-Assad last month.

For the second time in this tournament overtime was used to separate teams,leaving the game as late as possible for the Cedars to scrape a three-point winand become the only team still unbeaten in the tournament. Qatar will now haveto settle for second place in Group B due to its first loss of the tournament. True to form, both teams provided the Lebanese crowd at Ghazir Club Court witha real treat of high-paced basketball. The first quarter went well for the hosts, as they established a six-pointlead.

Into the second quarter, there was more of a trade-off in points, butLebanon maintained the six-point lead halfway through the quarter. The lastfive minutes saw a Qatari comeback, and the first half ended with asingle- point lead to the Lebanese. Qatar-s comeback continued in the third quarter, but the Lebanese attackwas more responsive this time, with the quarter ending in a single-point leadfor Qatar.

The final quarter had the teams fight out a tie, forcing thegame into overtime. Khatib made all the difference, scoring half ofLebanon-s final quarter points. Lebanon-s reliance on Khatib and Jackson Vroman was still evident as theyscored 29 points together. Rony Fahad and Elie Rustom also had good games,scoring 10 points and eight points respectively. More good news was that Khatibplayed a full 33 minutes of the game, banishing lingering fitness doubts. Qatar-s points were also scored by their key players, Targuy Ngombo beingtop scorer of the game with 26 points alone.

Daoud Daoud also had a good gamefor the GCC champions, scoring In other games of the group, Jordan found some consolation in their winagainst Syria, who have lost all four of their games. Jordan still has a chanc eto make amends, as the win puts them into the final 8. They will now play Japanon Friday. Japan, who wound up winners of an extremely tight Group A, beat Iraq by 15points to secure top spot. The remaining teams in the group were not as easy to separate.

Kazakhstan, Iranand Chinese Taipei all finished the group equal at two wins and two losses. Head-to-head results were needed in order to seed the teams second throughfourth. Iran came second, as they beat both Chinese Taipei and Kazakhstan, and ChineseTaipei came third, thanks to their win against Kazakhstan. The second round starts on Friday. Based on the group seeding of the eightremaining teams, the matches will pit Lebanon against Kazakhstan, Qatar againstChinese Taipei, the Philippines against Iran, and Jordan against Japan. Inaddition, Syria and Iraq will be playing for the 9thth place playoff onFriday.

Only one team has maintained a perfect record so far, Lebanon. The group results come as little surprise, with Gro up B results being clearercut than Group A. Group B had two teams that will be going to the WorldChampionships in Turkey at the end of the month, as well as Qatar and Syria. Group A, on the other hand, had two main favorites, Japan and an IranianB-team, with the other teams being unknown forces more than teams filling upnumbers.

Yet the results have spoken, and they have provided a veryentertaining third edition of the Stankovic Cup so far. Congratulatory message that the great leader widaehan ryo'ngdoja Comrade Kim Jong Il Kim Cho'ng-il sent to the president of the Russian Federation on the occasion of the 65th anniversary of Korea's liberation.

Congratulatory message that Comrade Kim Jong Il received from the president of the Russian Federation on occasion of the 65th anniversary of Korea's liberation. Page 2: 1. Compiles articles that show Great Leader widaehan suryo'ng Comrade Kim Il Sung's fatherland's liberation achievement and features as a great man. Page 3: 1. Introduces the work experience of various units. Report meeting held to commemorate the 40th founding anniver sary of P'abal Revolution Museum. Rallies continued to be held at plants, enterprises, farms, and universities of various parts of the country, including Ch'o'llima Steel Complex, to vow to mete out severe punishment to vicious war maniacs.

Page 4: 1. The national mass consumption goods exhibition opens. Page 5: 1. The great leader's widaehan suryo'ngnimu'i fatherland's liberation achievement praised by South Korean people. Compatriots residing in Uzbekistan hold ceremony to commemorate the 65th anniversary of the fatherland's liberation. News of cooridinator's meeting of international solidarity council demanding Japan's liquidation of its past crimes being held in China. International news, including Lebanese president mentioning to strengthen the capability of the country's armed forces. Article that writes about the flood damages restoration work seeing process at high speed through the Chinese party, government, the Chinese People's Liberation Army, and the armed policy unit's active efforts.

Their remarks came during a conference organized by the AUNOHR AcademicUniversity for nonviolence and Human Rights in the Arab World discussingconcepts and international pioneering experiences on 'illegitimatedebt' and 'basic income. Joseph Hanlan, who pioneered the concept of 'illegitimate debt,'said he considered himself an academic and an activist, with a concern to bringmore justice to the field of economics to make it more fair.

Hanlan sawborrowing and lending as a reasonable economic concept, yet maintained that ithad become improper. He considered as 'illegitimate debts' certainkinds of loans that were inappropriate to begin with like excessive interestrates, bad projects and improper terms. Money is borrowed torepay old debts and loans as in Lebanon and the US,' Hanlan said.

Reasons behind bad lending are financial and political reasons,' he added. He also spoke of a concept known as 'debt slavery,' which the USuses with poor countries where there is a process of political lending and acreation of dependence. They must accept some responsib ility for illegitimate debt. He also stressed that the IMF-s loan terms weredangerous on economic factors, claiming they increase poverty and reduce growth. Concerning Lebanon, Slaybi viewed budgets as non-productive. The danger, he argued, is that loaned money at timesis used not for its intended purpose. What is dangerous in consumingthe money in an improper way,' he continued.

Gaspard added that public debt has contributed to the separation between thebanking sector and private sector. What is dangerous, he said, is that most ofthe debt is internal. Karl Widerquist spoke of the concept of 'basic income' which comesfrom the idea that unconditional benefits must be given to all people, aconcept that showed success in Alaska after oil was discovered in Sociologist Adib Nehmeh saw the state in Lebanon as divided, attributing theblame to 'favoritism' in the country.

He said the best concept to limit poverty was the targeting approach which theFinance Ministry has begun to develop, but this must be accompanied by serviceslike education, health care and financial support. A statement by French Foreign Ministry assistant spokeswoman Christine Fagesstressed France-s determination to proceed with its military cooperationwith Lebanon. Fages said her country awaited a final report by UNIFIL on the details andbackground of the clashes that occurred between the Lebanese and Israeli armiesin the town of Adaysseh, earlier this month.

She also underlined France-s commitment to the independence andsovereignty of Lebanon and the safety of its lands. She also highlightedFrance-s commitment to the agreement of cooperation signed in The assistant spokeswoman of the French Foreign Ministry called for avoidingany action that might lead to a recurrence of clashes, as well as averting anyescalation of violence that jeopardizes the region-s stability. Kahwaji also condemned media reports leaking information about alleged Israelispies, adding that the media reports were unfounded.

Berman, in a statement, said he could not be sure the Lebanese Armed Forceswere not working with the Hizbullah, which Washington lists as a terroristorganization. The Israel-Lebanon border has been tense since the exchange of fire on August 3that killed two Lebanese soldiers, a Lebanese journalist and an Israeli officer. An adviser to Lebanese President Michel Sleiman has also criticized the USdecision but said that support for the army was central to upholdingLebanon-s sovereignty.

The source added that there is no attempt to delay the indictment - which is toreportedly be issued in September. This comes after aMonday press conference in which Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed HassanNasrallah showed video footage and the confession of an alleged spy which hesaid implicated Israel in Hariris murder. Jumblatt also called for examining all evidence and information pertaining tothe murder of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri.

Nasrallah held a press conference on Monday where he presented alleged evidenceincluding video footage and the confession of a suspected spy which he saidimplicates Israel in Hariris murder. According to the statement, both French and US officials said that theiradministrations will never interfere in the tribunals investigation. The awards areorganized by Radio France Internationale, Reporters without Borders and theOrganisme International de la Francophonie in the aim of promoting mediafreedom and pluralism, and encouraging young reporters.

The submitted reportsmust tackle human rights issues and must have been broadcasted betweenSeptember 15, and September 15, Candidates can subscribe online atthe following website: www. The laureates of the awardwill be announced in November in Paris and they will receive a donation of euros, in addition to a laptop. The Special Tribunal for Lebanon STL on Wednesday called for the subm issionof all material held by Hezbollah relating to the case, after a Monday pressconference in which Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah showedvideo footage and the confession of an alleged spy which he said implicatedIsrael in Hariris murder.

Baroud added that the issue was being dealt with calmly and the current stageis one of "solving problems through institutions and not the media or thestreet. The paper said that reports varied about the meetings agenda, but that it islikely that Jumblatt brought up the postponement of the Special Tribunal forLebanons STL upcomin g indictments. Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah said last month that theSTL would indict Hezbollah members and warned that the tribunal is an Israeliproject aiming to incite domestic strife.

Sandrine Atallah, sexology is the science behind the psychological, physiological and emotionalaspects of sexuality.

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She is one of the rare physicians to have specialized inthe field in Lebanon, where discussing sexuality remains taboo. NOW Lebanon satdown with Atallah at her Clinique du Levant office to hear about both herexperiences and sexuality in the country. How did you start in the field? Atallah : I studied medicine but wasnt really interested in any of thetraditional specializations. At the time, I had moved to France and chosesexology and hypnosis because they do not exist in Lebanon despite the greatneed.

We mention sexuality within the context of psychoanalysis, but thatsabout it. For instance, someone with erectile dysfunction has little access tounderstanding the physiological aspect of his problem. Hypnosis is a type ofpsychotherapy that wi ll go through a modification of the mental state to treatvarious fears, phobias, anxiety problems I use it in sexology, buthypnosis does not work without a more global therapy. How many sexologists are there in Lebanon? Is there any stigma surroundingyour profession? Atallah : I am unsure of the exact number, especially the number ofspecialists with a qualified degree.

As for peoples reaction, they often tendto laugh. Others will ask me what it means to be a sexologist and why peopleneed to consult one. After the laugh comes the shock: "Do you really havepatients? Who actually consults you? I had no idea this existed in Lebanon; we are in need. I have a friendor a cousin or a friend of a friend who might be interested Within the country, I have a bit of everything- from the Frenchie Coco from Achrafieh, to the Verdun snob, the veiled ladyfrom Dahiyeh, to the woman who is waiting for the Mahdi, and even the man fromBourj Hammoud.

Of course, most people I see have the means to afford asexologist, which remains a luxury that comes after you make sure your basichealth problems are taken care of. One does not die from a poor sex life. Those financially strained come when the couple is at stake, when there is arisk of divorce if things do not improve sexually, or if problems come in theway of pregnancy.

Therein, things are a bit more serious. For the wealthierpatients, some will come and complain about problems finding their G-spot, forexample. There are also women who have been raped, traumatized, and are disgusted whentheir husbands touch them. Some, without any form of abuse, are traumatized bypast experiences. Ive seen a lot of very p hobic women, often educated in sometype of cocoon, scared of swimming, driving etc They have involuntarycontractions of the vaginas muscles that prevent any form of penetration vaginismus. The worse is that they go to a gynecologist who will eitherremove their hymen, stretch out the vaginal muscles or use a dildo, but thisdoes not solve the problem, because they are scared of penetration.

Althoughdildos are part of the therapy, there is a specific technique. We usually askthe woman to start by experimenting with her own body and fingering herself,and eventually the woman can use a dildo. What are Lebanons most common problems? Atallah : Mens most frequent problems are premature ejaculation followed byerectile dysfunction, like in most countries.

This is classic. For women, mostwomen consult for vaginismus. This does not mean it is the most common. Womenrarely come for lack of desire, or orgasm, whereas in other countries, like inFrance, where I have worked, women will be m ore demanding of their pleasure. There are those few surprising cases. For example, I once saw a woman who was21, completely veiled, and had four children from her husband.

She was herebecause since her third child, she could no longer orgasm. And she felt fineadmitting to reaching an orgasm during masturbation in front of her husband. Sothere are surprises, especially within the Muslim community. Of course, for Christian women, there is a significant difference between girlswho say, attend the CollAAge Louise Wegmann an expensive private school asopposed to those who have gone to an Ecole des FrAAres. In Lebanon, there iseverything; you cant stop at stereotypes. My manicurist knows my profession. Soshell ask me questions.

But with her friends, shell act very innocent. Theresalso a personality factor, ones upbringing. Ultimately, if you are notinhibited, theres always potential. But there are people who are so inhibited,they dont even have fantasies, and such women need a co mprehensive therapy,with psychoanalysts. My work is not sexoanalysis; my therapy is short, three tosix months long. What are your thoughts about hymnoplasty? Atallah : The practice is very common in Lebanon, but I find it extremelyhypocritical, because one must understand that sexuality is how one behaveswith his or her own body, its not a drop of blood.

And there are women who arevirgins and do not bleed, 30 percent in fact. Some women, for example, have avery elastic hymen, so elastic that they only lose it once they give birth totheir child. They invitedme to come. So you see, theres this duality. You ask them to define virginity,and they allude to the concept of "her being open or not" as if the woman was aBOTtle of Pepsi.

There is a total misconception of the woman. Why dont we usesimilar analogies for men? What do you have to say about the reputation Lebanese women have that theydress provoca tively but are not adventurous in the bedroom? People in these regions are very much focused onappearance.

The women, who may look like sex bombs, often have no pleasure inbed, and so they dont really know how to engage sexually, because they havenever understood their own body. They are here to please, on the surface, butthere is less passion and understanding. And this is not only in their sexlife. As for men, they are increasingly concerned with their sexual performance,without really understanding a womens physiology, often based on pornography,their lack of experience and frequently because they live at home.

So they findthemselves in this trap, and their confidence is affected. They look formagical remedies at the pharmacy, some of which are dangerous. But then again,how is one to have an adult se xuality, when you are still a child living athome? After this speech, things began to calm, but this calm may be only temporary and end with the end of the summer holidays season and the blessed month of Ramadan.

Sayyid Nasrallah spoke about Israeli spies from various sects, but he refrained from talking about those who stand behind, or cooperate with them in Lebanon. He spoke about their "employers" in Israel but did not speak about or uncover their employers in Lebanon. Perhaps, he sought to comply with the calm agreement that resulted from the joint visit to Beirut by the Saudi monarch and the Syrian president. Treading in the footsteps of his late father, Lebanese Prime Minister Sa'd al-Hariri, who is spending his annual leave in the Island of Sardinia, kept silent and ord ered his close aides, ministers and MPs, not to react or make any statements to the press.

However, he made no hint of any intention to give up the international tribunal or postpone its indictment. It has been said that this indictment will accuse Hizballah members of carrying out the assassination. The Hizballah leader may have practically postponed the issuance of this indictment for months or weeks when he presented his evidence to the public in a professional way that was highly organized and accurate.

This move embarrassed the president of the international tribunal and his investigative team because Israel had been outside the circle of accusation. The announcement by the tribunal's president that he is willing to look into these evidences regarding the Israeli violations that the Hizballah leader presented will make the postponement of the indictment a logical move, in addition to being completely legal.

In other words, we can say that, by delivering hi s recent speeches, Sayyid Nasrallah managed to reshuffle the cards and gain more time in order to organize his situation and alliances and be more prepared to face any imminent indictment. This shows not only shrewdness, but also an ability to manage the crisis effectively. The evidences on spies, Israeli air reconnaissance missions to monitor the late prime minister's movements and the roads he used to follow, and the smuggling of weapons and agents deep into Lebanese territories have all been handed over to the Lebanese judiciary, which is supposed to pass them on to the international tribunal's judges and investigators.

And revision of the documents and films will need a long time, unless the tribunal continues to follow its current line, that is to say, move in its investigations in one direction, the Hizballah direction, and rule out all other theories, particularly the theory of Israeli involvement, which is possible anyway. The question that is now asked in Lebanon is about the duration or life span of the calm agreement, which is currently in force, and all parties' compliance with this agreement.

There are several theories in this respect: The first: This agreement is temporary and will last a few weeks at the most until the US and Israeli stands on the Iranian nuclear issue take shape, as the prospects of war increase everyday, amid increasing military buildup on both sides; and The second: A Saudi-Syrian agreement has been reached to make the postponement of the international tribunal's indictment indefinite, in other words, to make it practically die until it has been forgotten. There has been no news about the international tribunal for nearly three years since the release of the three Lebanese security leaders who were accused of collusion in the assassination and since the uncovering of the forgery of the testimonies that were given by false witnesses on the involvement of Syria and its agenci es Zuhayr al-Siddiq is one of them.

So, would there be any harm in making this news disappear for a shorter or longer time? After all, the tribunal is effectively politicized, and it is looking into a case of political assassination. This tribunal was set up on the basis of a conviction, and to prove this conviction, it worked to implicate a particular axis in the region, that is to say, Syria and Hizballah. Ironically, it is the balance of deterrence, which Hizballah imposed in Lebanon and the region, thanks to its immense military power, that prompted many people to reconsider their calculations. Hizballah does not seek a civil war, but does not fear one.

Unarguably, the other side fears a civil war. At the same time, Hizballah does not seek war with Israel because it realizes the magnitude of the destruction that such a war might cause to the whole of Lebanon this time. However, it will be ready for war, if this war will be imposed on it. When Sayyid Hasan Nasrallah said "an airport for an airport, a factory for a factory, and the Southern Suburb of Beirut for Tel Aviv", he meant what he said. We saw the first fruit of these threats in Israel's inclination to calm the situation following the recent border clash with the Lebanese Army in which it lost one of its senior generals.

A civil war in Lebanon, should one break out, will be different from its likes in the 70s because it will not be based on religious lines, in other words, it will not be between Muslims and Christians or between Lebanese and "foreigners", meaning Palestinians, or based on ideological lines between the conservative right and socialist left.

Rather, it will break out between a resistance camp and a counter one, or so will many people view it, given the current state of tension that prevails in the region because the situation is currently confused and the balance of power on the ground is clearly evident. The Al-Hari ri-led government of accord is now dependent on the international tribunal and on its indictment in terms of its survival or its strength and weakness. Any little mistake might bring it down, and this explains the current state of "vague calm" that prevails in Lebanon, which is caused by the fear of possible surprises in the near future.

Terror is the common denominator between all Lebanese and regional forces without exception, including Israel itself. Nevertheless, the tension is great, and a move to explode the situation may be a pressing issue, in light of a new "game of nations" for which preparations are currently under way and which will revolve around the Iranian nuclear issue. And the question that is currently asked is: Who will say ouch or strike the match first?

Sayyid Nasrallah's latest speech hid a lot of fact, perhaps in compliance with the calm agreement. On the other hand, however, it revealed the Arab media map in its uglie st form. We saw many people stand in the Israeli trench and acquit Israel of the assassination crime by bluntly ridiculing evidences that might convict Israel.

And this sheds an important light on each party's position and the trench in which it will stand in the future. But one thing the citizens of this country can-t copewith is the endless electricity rationing which has plunged the country intodarkness for the past 20 years. In cities and towns outside of Beirut, the Lebanese are visibly irritated bythe severe electricity rationing and on some occasions have blocked roads withburning tires and rocks to press the government to do something about theproblem. Abdallah Hazim, the owner of a sweets shop, is one of many Lebanese who is fedup with the electricity cuts that plague his neighborhood in Lebanon-snorthern city of Tripoli.

Hazim said he won-t be producing ice cream anymore because his losseshave lately reached LL, per day. Citizens in the South have been suffering from the same problem for a longtime. Many in Sidon spent most of their time during the past two weeks on thebeach because of the frequent electricity cuts due to the burning of electrictransformers in that area.

But the problem becomes even more horrendous in the summer seasondue to the incredible pressure on the aging and poorly maintained electricityplants. EDL has become a nightmare for successive governments as the cost of financingthe losses of the state-run firm mounts every year due to the surge in theprices of oil in international markets. Many energy ministers have submitted plans to solve the electricity problem butonce they stepped down and another minister assumed responsibility, these planswere shelved and new ones were introduced.

At one point, the previous government of former Prime Minister Fouad Sinioraopenly called for the privatization of the sector, arguing that the state hasneither the money nor the experience to invest in the construction of new powerplants. But this attempt to turn over the responsibility of running the power grid tothe private sector ended in failure as the opposition parties and trade unionsviciously fought Siniora-s drive to privatize the energy sector. Against this backdrop, current Energy Minister Gebran Bassil decided to takethe middle ground and persuaded both sides that the private sector could play arole in building the power stations, but without agreeing to literally sellthem to private companies.

This formula apparently pleased the divided Cabinet,which unanimously approved the minister-s plan. Unsurprisingly, some citizens do not feel too optimistic about any new plansbecause the electricity situation in the country has been the same for years. However, after only two episodes of the series were aired, certain Lebanese Christian sects claimed that the series was against the Christian faith and called for a halt in its broadcast. The directors of the channels issued a statement saying they would stop airing the series in order to maintain unity among religious sects in Lebanon.

At the same time, the Besharat-e Monji series is being aired by several international channels and has been welcomed by many people. The series was directed by Nader Talebzadeh. He said: Talebzadeh The film was immediately purchased from Iran's Voice and Vision Organization the state radio and TV organization by several Latin American countries, which are among major Christian Catholic countries. They are dubbing the series into Portuguese and Spanish. Therefore, their protest Leban ese groups seems to be political to some extent. The film received the award for the best film for dialogue among religions in , at the Religion Today festival, which is affiliated to the Vatican in Italy.

At the communication school of the Vatican University, there was a forum at which the film was played for critics, priests, and word indistinct. I was also there. Iran's cultural attache was also present. In terms of content, one of the good points of the film is that it paves the way for dialogue and mutual understanding. Presenter Last year, Lebanese channels aired the "Josef" and "Mary" series made by Iran , which were enthusiastically welcomed. The Hezbolla h chief presented during his Monday press conference allegedevidence of Israels involvement in the Rafik Hariri assassination, includingfootage he said came from Israeli Unmanned Aerial Vehicles monitoring the lateformer PM and a confession from a suspected Israeli spy.

Tension is high in Lebanon after reports said that the STL will soon issue itsindictment in the Rafik Hariri assassination. Nasrallah recently claimedHezbollah members would be named in the tribunals pending indictment. Abdurahim al-Awadhi, assistant to the foreign minister for legal affairs,expressed "concern that Uri Brodsky has been released on bail and granted thefreedom to return to Israel while the case against him continues," in astatement carried by the official Emirati WAM news agency.

Polish authorities, who had arrested Brodsky in June at Warsaw ai rport onsuspicion of obtaining a German passport under false pretences, had extraditedhim to Germany Thursday. He appeared Friday before a magistrate in the western city of Cologne, whoreleased on him on bail, a spokesperson for the city prosecutor's office said.

We may see more death sentences in the coming months, given that anestimated suspects await trial in military court on charges of spying forIsrael. President Michel Sleiman said that he will sign off on any death penalties theMilitary Tribunal issues the president and prime minister must sign allexecution orders.

Hizbullah's leader, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, calledfor the speedy implementation of death sentences against anyone convicted ofcollaborating with Israel. Other Lebanese political figures support this. Dozens of members of Fatah al-Islam, an armed Salafist group that fought theLebanese Army in , still await trial before the military court or theJustice Council on terrorism-related charges that also carry the death penalty.

It would be a grave error to execute these men - however heinous theircrimes. Lebanon has not executedanyone since , and to resume executions now would be a step in the wrongdirection. This is not a popular position to hold these days. With the almost dailydiscovery of alleged spies, anyone criticizing the death penalty incurs scornfor being "soft" on those conspiring against the country, or itsefforts to combat espionage.

This is precisely what makes it important to bringthe issue into focus once again - before political expediency underminesthe advances Lebanon has made in recent years toward abolishing capitalpunishment. There are many compelling reasons for objecting to the death penalty -the value of every human life, the wrongness of countering killing withkilling, and the inhumane methods used to execute people.

Perhaps most important, there is a very real possibility that the state willexecute innocent men. The possibility of wrongful conviction exists in even thefairest trials - hence the need for a robust appeals process - butit is particularly worrisome in countries where the authorities often violatedue process rights for security suspects. Unfortunately, Lebanon is one suchcountry. Human Rights Watch has gathered testimony from numerous detainees held byMilitary Intelligence and the Information Branch of the Internal SecurityForces - the two main security agencies investigating cases of espionageand the actions of the armed Salafists.

Many told us security officers beat andtortured them during interrogation to extract confessions. Local human rights groups have raised concerns that Mahmoud Rafeh, a retiredmember of the security forces sentenced to death on February 18 for spying forIsrael and assisting in the assassination of two members of Islamic Jihad, wastortured before he confessed.

Rafeh spent two years and nine months indetention in isolation in the basement of the Defense Ministry. The Lebaneseauthorities deny all allegations of torture, b ut they never opened aninvestigation, so we have no assurance that torture did not occur. The fact that these trials are taking place in a military court - or inthe case of many Fatah al-Islam members, in the Justice Council, a specialcriminal court examining crimes against state security referred by the Cabinet- is also cause for concern. In such trials, military judges often failto order investigations into credible allegations of torture, beating, andill-treatment, and rely on confessions extracted under duress.

There is also no civilian oversight of the Military Tribunal, and while itstrials are theoretically open to the public, in practice access is verylimited, with family members and independent observers regularly denied entry. Cases before the Justice Council are even more p roblematic, as there is noright to appeal. Death penalty supporters argue that it acts as a deterrent. Many have said thatif Lebanon had responded more harshly against those who allegedly collaborat edwith Israel during its two-decade occupation, Israel would have fewer spies inthe country today. However, the facts don't support this argument.

Many studies conducted inother death penalty countries have shown that it is not an effective crimedeterrent.

Nomades et Etat : l'impensé juridique

What works best is good law enforcement. Potential spies -like other potential criminals - are more deterred by the fear of beingcaught, and facing other serious punishments, than by the death penalty. Afterall, a long prison sentence is not an attractive proposition. And issuing deathsentences in highly charged contexts where emotions run high and public opinionis united against the convicted individuals risks turning what should be arational, judicial process into a national mob lynching.

The sad part is that the death penalty is making a comeback in Lebanon at atime when it seemed to be fizzling out. Since the public hanging of twomen convicted of murder, Lebanon has largely maintained a de facto moratoriumon judicia l executions. Authorities broke the moratorium only once, in , toappease sectarian tensions after a Shiite man killed eight people in hisoffice, most of them Christians.

The day he was hanged, the authorities alsoexecuted by firing squad two men convicted of unrelated murders, one Christianand one Sunni, in a morbid exercise in sectarian balancing. Lebanon seemed ready to move beyond the de facto moratorium in , whenJustice Minister Ibrahim Najjar, with the backing of seven other ministers,proposed abolishing the death penalty. Parliament never acted on this proposal,and the climate surrounding the current spy cases makes its passage unlikely atthis stage.

Yet this is not the time for those who support abolishing the death penalty tobe silent. A commitment to human rights cannot depend on the good character orpopularity of those whose rights are being violated. The guilt of thosesentenced to die does not diminish the wrongness of the death penalty. Andwrong it is - esp ecially when the justice system that convicted them isrife with due process violations.

SirineShebaya is a law student at Yale University.